[Read Part 1]

For his proven loyalty to the Democrat legislative leadership, newly-elected Senator Barrios was awarded the chair of the Joint Committee on Public Safety and Homeland Security. This was the ideal launching pad for the aspiring District Attorney and Attorney General.

Senator Barrios lost no time getting his new tough-on-crime act together.

He held hearings and pushed through "tough" anti-gang legislation, featuring "partnerships" between cops and "community-based anti-violence organizations," stronger witness protection and more penalties against gun trafficking.

He pushed through a budget amendment that made promotions and transfers for State cops subject to contract arbitration. That move won him the coveted State Police union’s endorsement for D.A. of Middlesex County.

State Democrat Chairman Philip Johnson even endorsed him against two other candidates in his own Party’s primary. Barrios’ fellow legislators resented this, and not one of them endorsed him. That played a role in his decision to pull out of the primary and instead run for re-election to the Senate.

Devotees of the so-called "Rule of Law" should breathe a sigh of (temporary) relief. Barrios told the press that he thought it would be cool to be DA because "You can push others to engage [on issues] because you are the law. You're not just talking about the law."

Identity politics

Jarrett Barrios relies heavily on what is called "identity politics." Because he is Latino and gay, many voters will assume that he is a "progressive." They do not ask what that word means—they just "identify" with him. These voters need not themselves be Latino or gay.

Now it is definitely a good thing that ethnic and sexual diversity is represented in as many walks of life as possible. In that respect, Senator Barrios' achievement deserves only praise.

But identity politics can divert attention from substantive issues. And Barrios has stretched the identity factor well beyond obvious. When a Harvard Magazine puff piece has him saying,"that's what got me interested in politics. The politics of hunger and food: who's got it and who's not getting it. In Mexicali, Mexico," we say—maybe.

Shortly after taking his seat, State Representative Jarrett T. Barrios became the newest member of the Black Legislative Caucus, saying: "For ten years my seat was held by an activist in the black community. I would be remiss if I did not try to continue that level of activism on behalf of the numerous black families and organizations in Cambridge."

This was a little hard to swallow, since—

(1) Barrios was not "black"

(2) He had just unseated the ten-year Black incumbent, Alvin Thompson

(3) Thompson was no "activist," but a careerist who promptly went to work for the Republicans when he lost the primary

(4) Barrios' statement ignored Thompson’s predecessor, Saundra Graham, a genuine Black activist who served 16 years in the House

(5) Later, Barrios scuttled his beloved black district as he moved on up to the senate. He then became chair of the black caucus!

Mum’s the word

Jarrett Barrios has been an effective publicist for a wide variety of issues. The legislation he files seldom passes, so he is often criticized for this. Such criticism is more than a little dishonest. Lots of efforts don’t succeed at first; elected officials should speak out regardless.

But since Senator Barrios does speak out a lot, what he does not talk about is significant—like his vote to confirm the power of Speaker Finneran, or his vote to repeal Clean Elections.

He doesn’t have a word to say about rent control. But he always talks about being a "staunch supporter of affordable housing."

Barrios always boasts of playing a role in pushing the State Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), although this program just added a State tax credit to an existing Federal tax credit.

LIHTC basically offers dollar-for-dollar tax credits to corporations who buy them from real estate developers who, in turn get them free from the government. The government gives the credits to developers who agree to build housing made "affordable" by still more subsidies!

A local real estate corporation, Boston Capital, brags that it "played a key role in getting the LIHTC included in the US Tax Reform Act of 1986," and "created a new industry in marketing the tax credits upon passage of the bill." In the 1990s, Barrios was an "affordable housing lawyer" because he worked LIHTC deals. Thus the broker of corporate subsidies becomes a "staunch supporter of affordable housing."

The world of Piper Rudnick

Today State Senator Barrios is a real estate Associate with DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary, an international corporate law firm employing 3100 lawyers. One of Piper Rudnick’s specialties is lobbying services: this includes helping multinational corporations get what they want out of State legislatures.

But Piper Rudnick does much more than that. "In the days following September 11, 2001, Piper Rudnick created a Homeland Security practice group—becoming perhaps the first law firm in the nation to do so…. The new practice group now cuts across all our major areas of activity—from government contracts to corporate to real estate to privacy to labor and beyond."

Senator Barrios is chairman of the State Legislature’s Committee on Public Safety and Homeland Security.

Piper Rudnick declares: "The battle against terrorism will be long, sustained, and demanding, requiring a fundamental change in the national mindset." President Bush couldn’t have put it better.

The Chairman of the law firm’s Board, former Democrat Senate majority leader George Mitchell, adds: "(t)he passage of the Homeland Security legislation…is only the beginning. Congress will be engaged in legislative treatment of homeland security issues as far into the future as we can see."

But this is no time for narrow partisanship. "Our efforts have benefited immeasurably from the assistance of our colleague Dick Armey, the lawmaker most closely associated with the homeland security legislation." Armey is also remembered as the fellow who drafted the right-wing Republican "Contract With America."

For their clients’ paramilitary needs, Barrios’ law firm boasts a "strategic alliance" with The Cohen Group, the consulting firm run by Clinton's (Republican) Defense Secretary Cohen and former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Ralston.

Watchin the detectives

Senator Barrios has let us know, however, that he is concerned about civil liberties. Take the spread of Radio Frequency Identification Devices (RFID—see March 2006 Bridge). In 2004 he was "working on a piece of legislation" to deal with them—which seems to have gone nowhere.

But anyway the problem "ultimately should be handled by the federal government." Who could better protect your privacy?

Senator Barrios has next to nothing to say about the Middle East, except that he is against putting pressure on Israel on behalf of the Palestinians. Opposing the Somerville divestment petition, he told the aldermen, "To label Israel as deserving of divestment without doing so to scores of others who have far more blatantly violated human rights is both unfair and unproductive."

These remarks may seem beside the point, since Somerville can only divest what it holds, and it does not hold bonds of any foreign country other than Israel. But then, he was only reading from the script.

Up there with the big shots

Jarrett Barrios and his partner, Doug Hattaway, helped found the Massachusetts Progressive Democrats. The Progressive Democrats are also national. So are Barrios and Hattaway—especially Hattaway. These are major league players.

In 2000, Douglas Hattaway served as national spokesman for the Gore-Liberman campaign, and later held the same position under Senate Majority Leader Daschle (D, SD). In between he worked in the UK for Tony Blair.

In December 2004, right after Kerry’s—and Daschle’s—electoral defeat, the Boston Globe published an op-ed by Hattaway, which said, in part:

"To succeed, the Democratic National Committee must operate less like a political campaign and more like a marketing business. That means significant investments in communications infrastructure and activities to deliver the message to voters between presidential cycles. It requires an understanding that such investments will show returns over the long term. It can result in a strong, new brand identity for Democrats that will vastly improve the party's electoral prospects at all levels."

"National headquarters should be staffed up with skilled, experienced marketing professionals who have the resources and creative license to do their jobs well. The most critical element of all is a strong brand identity that resonates with voters. All the marketing savvy in the world won't work without a compelling message. A team of political communications, marketing, and branding professionals is being gathered now to set about re-branding the Democrats."

The strategists of the self-styled "democratic wing of the Democratic Party" have an oddly familiar message. You could swear you were listening to Bill Clinton or John Kerry.